The Real Problem



My youngest son will be six in January.  But that’s not the only reason these recent killings disturb me as much as they do.  I was equally shocked, and moved, by the attack at the premiere of the Batman film in Aurora, Colorado, earlier this same summer.  So I think my feeling on this matter goes far beyond imagining the ways in which tragedies like this can ruin—and end—my own life, or that of my loved ones.  In many ways the feeling is not personal.

And the thing is, the deep deep sorrow cannot be directly merely against the assassin.  What he did was horrific, but he not only caused the horror, but was also consumed by it.  And I’m not referring to the fact that he killed himself as well.  That’s the least of it. 

It seems to me that if we fail to react in a reasonable and significant way to this tragedy, we will only be permitting other similar tragedies to continue to occur.  The answers may not be easy, but if we don’t even ask the questions—and keep asking them long after the front pages of our information sources are concerned with something else—nothing will change. 

That’s what bothers me so much about the posture of the NRA and their supporters, and all those who treat the 2nd Amendment as if it were sacred, and inviolable.  Their attitude, and their actions, continue to demonstrate that they don’t want anything to change, that they want all our lives to be ruled by an attitude which is perhaps comprehensible at a time when this nation had only recently won its independence, in large part thanks to the ability of the patriots to successfully engage in guerilla warfare.  But that time is long past, at least in this country.  Now, ironically, we are the ones fighting guerilla wars abroad.  And yet, at home, some of us cling to the notion that we have the right to be armed without limit, in order to defend ourselves, just as our 18th century forefathers did.

Unfortunately the technology has changed, considerably, immensely.  There is no comparison, when it comes to the damage that can be inflicted in a very short period of time, between what the New York Times calls “a semiautomatic rifle that is similar to weapons used by troops in Afghanistan,” and a Colonial musket.  And yet the attitude that established every American’s right to possess and use one of those muskets has become fossilized.

This, I think, is a big part of the real problem.

I Didn’t Do It—It Was The Bazooka’s Fault!



Those of us who are viscerally anti-gun, because of all the senseless and tragic violence associated with the misuse of these powerful weapons, should nonetheless be willing to entertain the argument that it’s not guns who kill people, it’s people who kill people. 

Granted the tautology—since we’re not talking about crimes committed by other animals—the argument is still slippery.  Obviously it’s people—of all ages, backgrounds, ethnicities and philosophical or religious persuasions—who pull the triggers.  But the bullets that tear the mortal holes in the bodies of the victims fly out of the pressurized barrels of things we call guns. 

If the guns weren’t wielded in rage and anger or mental derangement by people who decided, for whatever reasons, to turn them on other people, that is, to aim the barrel of that gun at the victim and pull the trigger, we wouldn’t be talking about gun-related violence and deaths.  And we wouldn’t be mourning, in this latest case of what we’ve come to call a shooting spree (overindulgence in any activity!), the deaths of twenty-seven people, most of whom were children between the ages of five and ten.

It may very well be true that we can’t prevent disturbed individuals like Adam Lanza—or anyone else on the sad list of ignominious rampage murderers—from venting their frustration in such a way that someone else dies as a consequence.  But with effective gun control, along with a shift in attitudes towards both gun ownership and use in this country, we might be able to prevent people like him from possessing guns when they decide to do their killing.  And if this were the case, we probably wouldn’t be talking about the untimely deaths of twenty-seven people in a single violent incident in the suburbs of Connecticut.

You have to wonder why the gun lobby concentrates its rhetoric and finances on the right, not just the privilege, to own and use guns, and the zealous prevention of any tightening of restrictions on gun sales, licensing, or ownership.  What are they really concerned about?  You’d think that, if they really gave a damn about the right to hunt and defend oneself (another slippery slope), instead of the right to have access to an unlimited variety of deadly weapons, they would jump on board and support ideas like that of Dr. Stephen Hargarten, a leading authority on gun violence, who has advocated a public health approach to the problem of gun-related deaths, analogous to “product changes and driving laws that slashed deaths from car crashes decades ago, even as the number of vehicles on the road rose.[1]

Remember:  cars don’t kill people, drivers of the cars kill people.  Including themselves.  But car-related deaths are considered a public scourge, and any government who has among its obligations the prevention of harm to its people (this is often cited as the President’s primary obligation!), has no qualms, and far less opposition, when it seeks different and varied means by which driving-accident deaths can be reduced.  These range from a stiffening of the drunk driving penalties, strict controls regarding speed limits, and both highway and car safety requirements that apply to both manufacturers and those responsible for maintaining the condition and ensuring the quality of our public roads.

Not to mention all the hoops one has to jump through to get a driver’s license in the first place, including the passing of both written and practical examinations that are meant to test one’s ability to safely operate a motorized vehicle. 

Why not require the same thing for the owners of guns?  Is it really asking too much, as a first step towards demanding that if the society wants to embrace gun use and ownership as if it were an “inalienable” right, those individuals wishing to exercise this right should have a license that’s at least as difficult to obtain as a driver’s license?

Once again, this won’t necessarily prevent someone like Adam Lanza from doing what he did—apparently he didn’t have a gun license and had no problems securing the weapons illegally.  But it could be a first step in the right direction.  And together with a wider public health approach, which would include educating people about the very real dangers that the use of firearms entail, and how many accidental and suicidal deaths are committed with guns every year in this country, we might begin to at least alter the terms of the debate and slowly shift attitudes here away from the violent-video-game mentality that so entertainingly confuses fake death with real death, from which no one ever returns.

Perhaps you can argue that it’s not guns who kill people.  But you’ve got to admit that in the cases I’ve been referring to it is indeed the irresponsible and problematic attitudes expressed through the irreversible action of some people’s guns that account for horrors like that which we all witnessed yesterday.


As Close to a Documentary Work of Fiction as Fiction Can Come: Ralph Bates’ The Olive Field

Last night I finished The Olive Field.  It’s true, as Valentine Cunningham states in his 1986 introduction to the book (which was originally published in 1936), that “Bates…got inside of the character of Spanishness,” and took “the measure of the curiosities of Spanish political life and style,” that “he knew Spanish life as only a few British writers…have done.”

Upon opening this book I noted immediately Bates’ thorough knowledge of those things that would occupy his rural characters’ thought and feeling, and his ability to present all of these largely technical agricultural details naturally and fluently, with no intrusion whatsoever on the part of the narrator (Cunningham refers to this achievement as “a kind of seedsman’s or grower’s catalogue of technical terminology…that is as engrossing as it is informative”).

According to Cunningham, “Bates fiction plunges its reader into the barbaric oddness, the exotic difference of Spain,” which includes its “extreme weather.”  He knows no other novel that “describes parching heat better than The Olive Field.”

And I agree as well that Bates seems far more familiar and knowledgeable when it comes to the political differences that fragmented Spanish society during the chaotic years that preceded the outbreak of the civil war.  Whereas Orwell (who went to Spain for the first time to fight in 1936, while Bates had been living there continuously since 1923) admits to his ignorance of “the kaleidoscope of political parties and trade unions, with their tiresome names—P.S.U.C., P.O.U.M., F.A.I, C.N.T, U.G.T, J.C.I, J.S.U., A.I.T—[which] merely exasperated”[1] him, Cunningham attributes to Bates’ novels (Lean Men as well as The Olive Field) a “patient” illustration of just “how much the great gulf dividing the Spanish Anarchists (the F.A.I) and their allies in the syndicalist trade union (the C.N.T.) from the Spanish Communist Party…interfered with simple revolutionary pastoralism, and generated unhealable rifts in Spanish agricultural (and urban) daily life.”

Indeed, less than two years after Bates’ documentary novel concludes (with the right-wing government’s quashing of the Asturian miners’ strike of 1934) these irreconcilable rifts would severely compromise and eventually undermine the Second Republic’s ability to fend off and defeat the military uprising that began on the 18th of July, 1936, when Franco—among others—instigated the coup d’etat that resulted in almost three years of total and fratricidal war. 

And I agree, too, that “reality in The Olive Field is intensely symbolic.”  But it is precisely this aspect of the novel which presents certain problems for a modern reader intimately familiar with Spain and Spanish life.  “This intensifying, even overdetermination, of meaning, the persistent effort of the writing to perceive, arrest and squeeze out significance,” might “register with great power Bates’s sense of the historical importance of Spain’s Thirties’ crises.”  But at the same time it converts the characters, individual as they might be, into stick men and women, lacking real psychological depth and distinction from one another.

By the time we get to the end of the story, where the failure of the Revolución de Asturias de 1934 provides a climactic funeral pyre for both Anarchist and Communist dreams and lives, we have been so often frustrated by Bates’ unwillingness to plumb the psychology of his characters beyond the stereotypical levels that are common currency outside of the country that they don’t mean much to us, and we don’t really care who dies, and who survives.

This, in my opinion, is the only shortcoming in an otherwise complete and remarkable novel.  I can’t think of any other novel I’ve read that was written by someone who wasn’t Spanish and demonstrates so much accurate and almost rare knowledge of the nature and reality of Spanish life and its people.  Of course the life presented in this novel is a life that, as far as many of its details are concerned, has little to do with the life we lead here today.  The overwhelming power of the Church and its control of education, for example, the forced respect for its ceremonies, rituals and superstitions, is a relic of the past now, even though this isn’t quite a lay society (the Catholic Church in Spain is supported in part by government funds, i.e., tax Euros[2]).

But literary treatments of Spain—even by writers as worldly and accomplished and familiar with the country as Hemingway or Somerset Maugham—often flounder precisely in terms of this sort of accuracy, and therefore remain clichĆ©d.  Bates knew the land and its people like no other non-Spanish writer I’ve come across, but for some reason (it might have been ideological:  he was an envoy of the Comintern, sent to Spain to stir up revolutionary fervor among Catalan dockers and fishermen) he felt compelled to sacrifice the complete individuality of his characters and their emotional autonomy for their representative capacities.  As Cunningham points out, writers in the Thirties were “obsessed by utopia,” and this might explain Bates’ shortcoming.

Seventy-five years after the ‘facts’ portrayed in this excellent work of fiction we are all relatively jaded, and no longer believe that there is such a thing as utopia.  What’s more, we are better equipped emotionally to accept and deal with this absence and we need in place of idealistic abstractions realistic men and women we can actually identify with and relate to, instead of two-dimensional puppets manipulated by an ideologue, no matter how noble his cause.



[1] Homage to Catalonia.
[2] In Spain, tax payers can elect to give up to 0.7% of their income tax due to the Church instead of the State; in addition to that, as much as 25% of the Church’s total receipts come directly from either the Central Government in Madrid and/or the Autonomous Communities.

What’s Behind the Visceral Reaction to the 2011 Ballon d’Or?

For those who follow the world’s most popular sport—what in the United States is called soccer and the rest of the world football—the awarding of the FIFA Ballon d’Or to Lionel Messi for the second consecutive year is a matter of some interest.  Here in Spain, where Messi plays for the Catalan football club FC Barcelona, no one doubts that he is—as the winner of the Ballon d’Or is meant, or reputed, to be—the world’s best soccer player.  But the Spanish press and many Spaniards are incensed that neither of the two Spanish finalists for this award received the prize, especially given that, since 1995, the winner of the Ballon d’Or has always been, in those years when a World Cup was played, a member of the team that won that competition.  And last summer the Spanish won the World Cup for the first time in their history, and deservedly so.

What makes this debate particularly curious is that no one in Spain (or at least hardly anyone) disputes the fact that Lionel Messi is, right now, and without a doubt, the single best and by the far the most talented and well-rounded individual soccer player in the world.  Messi, who was born in Argentina and plays for the Argentinean national side (which, under the guidance of their iconic and problematic national football hero, Diego Maradona, shamefully exited the last World Cup as soon as they had to confront a serious opponent without the aid of disastrous refereeing), moved with his family to Europe when he was twelve years old because he suffered from a growth hormone deficiency and FC Barcelona’s scouts had recognized his promise and offered treatment and training in the famed football school they run, at La MasĆ­a de Can Planas, known simply as La MasĆ­a.

La MasĆ­a is rightly regarded as the finest factory of young football talent in the world, and the philosophy and training provided by this youth academy—where the kids study not only football but all of the subjects that boys their age study anywhere—are ultimately responsible not only for FC Barcelona’s recent dominance of the game, particularly when it comes to the style of their play, and in Europe as well as Spain, but of the success of the Spanish national team, La Roja, which has won not only the last World Cup but, two years prior to that, the last European Cup as well (of the 23 players who went to South Africa last summer to defend the national colors, seven—six of whom were instrumental in winning the World Cup trophy for Spain—played for Barcelona at that time, while another had recently been signed and a ninth player, like all of the FC Barcelona players chosen to participate in the squad, was a product of La MasĆ­a).

Everyone agrees that this year the real winner of the Ballon d’Or was La MasĆ­a, since three of its former pupils stood on the podium as finalists for the prize.  And no one doubts that the three of them deserved to be there, though some might have placed the Spanish goalie Iker Casillas up there with them, since he was responsible for keeping his goal empty in all but the first World Cup game, including the final and, like Iniesta—who struck home the winning goal in overtime in the final and thereby unleashed spontaneous national euphoric celebrations of unity such as Spain had never witnessed before—was the central character of particularly dramatic moments in the tournament.

The third finalist for the prize, Xavi HernĆ”ndez, is rightfully regarded as the director of the orchestra in both BarƧa and La Roja, the one man most responsible for connecting the rearguard with the offensive forces, and something of a genius when it comes to passing the ball.  Xavi, whose role in assuring that Barcelona would win all of the six competitions they vied for last season (2009-2010, a feat no other team on the planet has ever matched) and both the last European and World Cups, is undoubtedly the best and most gifted midfielder around.  It’s my opinion that the recent successes of both BarƧa and La Roja are due in large part to his unfailing contributions to the symphonic play that characterizes both teams, that he was indispensible—and simply irreplaceable—in both squads. 

 In light of the vicious reaction in the Spanish press it should be pointed out that the winner of the Ballon d’Or is that individual who scores the most points in a democratic (some say too democratic) poll conducted among sports writers and the trainers (coaches) and captains of the world’s professional and national football teams.  Hence, as one Spanish commentator pointed out, the opinion of the Malaysian national coach carries the same weight as the Brazilian national coach (the sarcastic implication being that the former knows a hell of a lot less about football than the latter).

Still, it’s important to bear in mind that the winner is the one who gets the most votes when this poll is conducted (the poll used to be conducted by the French magazine France Football, but has recently been taken over, or usurped, by FIFA, the International Federation of Association Football, the organization responsible for organizing both the European and World Cups, and which used to award what was called the FIFA World Player prize for the best individual football player in any given year).

Despite everything I’ve recounted above, last night everyone in Spain was surprised to learn that Messi had won the prize for the second year in a row, including myself, and despite his success with BarƧa and an amazing number of—and particularly individual way of making brilliant—goals.  The Spanish press had been speculating for a long time on who the winner would be, and their collective opinion led all of us to believe that it was most likely to be Iniesta.  But apparently Messi received just over 22% of the votes in the FIFA poll, whereas Xavi and Iniesta ‘divided’ the ‘Spanish’ vote, with each of them receiving about 18%.

But since the results of the poll were released the Spanish press—and many Spaniards—have been crying foul, as if this were an election in some Banana Republic and the ballots had been stuffed.  Not only have they attacked FIFA (for what?), but they’ve once again adopted an attitude of having been treated badly, and victimized.  Many comments, in both the press and the associated readers’ list of responses to the articles, have used the word ‘unjust,’ but given all I’ve said above it is very difficult to see what was unjust about the voting, or precisely where the injustice might lie.

Granted FIFA has its own agenda, and whereas the last (and only) time a Spaniard won the trophy, back in 1960, the award ceremony was not a major media event.  But what does that fact have to do with the votes that were cast?  These voters all over the world were asked to rank three players who, in their estimation, were the best in the world during the past year (2010).  And the three best players, according to this poll, were Messi, Xavi and Iniesta.

I’ve been living in Spain a long time, so the fact is I don’t know how other national presses react to events like this, if there is the same intense nationalist—yes, nationalist—feeling for national victories and defeats in the sporting arena.  I do know—having been raised in the States, where I remember those bumper stickers from the sixties and early seventies which read:  Our Country, Love it or Leave It—that simplistic ‘patriotic’ sentiment is not unique to Spain.  But what is unique to Spain, or seems so to me to be so at any rate, is this self-pitying attitude that emerges, and is used to justify sporting failures, whenever a Spaniard or Spanish team doesn’t get what it bid for (including, for example, the Spanish bid to host the 2018 World Cup; though this is something that is at least beginning to change, with so many ‘Spanish’ victories in so many different sports:  soccer, tennis (Rafael Nadal), basketball (Pau Gasol of the L.A. Lakers and the national squad), motorcycle racing and a host of other sports that habitually receive less press, including karate, volleyball, water polo, lacrosse, etc.).

So I am baffled anew by the lamentable Spanish habit of feeling sorry for oneself.  And I have to wonder where this comes from.  I don’t think it’s necessarily an historic character trait.  When reading about the Spanish Civil War, for example, one never comes across anything like this, never.  Spaniards are always described by the foreigners who went to fight for the Republic or report on the war in the best of terms, their warmhearted openness and generosity and fundamental humanity being the primary and endearing characteristics that the foreigners remember.  When Spaniards had most cause to cry foul and see themselves as being treated unjustly, they spent far more energy simply getting on with it than lamenting their dire situation.  So I wonder when this sense of being discriminated against first came into play here.  It might possibly have arisen out of the post-war frustrations, the bitter disappointment on the part of the republicans when the Allies failed to remove Franco from power and eventually invited him to join the United Nations.  That would certainly make sense, and indeed that was a real and even wicked injustice, and one worthy of the name.

But I’m guessing that this self-pitying attitude derives above all from Franco’s own hyper-nationalism, and even his weird and fanciful ideas concerning autarky.  For forty years Spaniards were cowed into abject submission, after having been subjected to the most horrific and degrading treatment imaginable.  The Spanish Civil War was the first war in which terror bombing was employed.  From early November of 1936 until late March of 1939 shells were routinely fired into the center of Madrid, which resisted the fascist aggression with very little outside help for almost three whole years.  During that time women and children and noncombatants in general lived while starving and died by chance in the city, without anyone in the world who was in a position to do much about it really giving a damn.  Following the lead of the British ruling classes, everything was done in the international arena to directly or indirectly limit and thwart the democratically elected government’s chances of defending itself and winning the war.  In this way the ruling classes of Great Britain in particular—and with them, those of France and the United States—contributed decisively to Franco’s victory.  And Franco’s celebration of his victory didn’t end with the last gasp of the Republic in the spring of 1939.  Even while lying practically comatose on his deathbed the vindictive dictator was able to sign a last death warrant as late as 1975.

The disputes and tensions that led to the Spanish Civil War remain in the hearts and minds of many Spaniards today.  The split between Right and Left is as deep as it ever was, though it’s unlikely to lead to violence.  But the debate between opposing factions is as nasty and immoderate as it is in the States, where the recent shooting in Tucson might not have been caused by the bitter and uncompromising political climate, but is no doubt a manifestation of that hostility coupled with the insane ease of acquiring automatic weapons.  Curiously, here in Spain, a triumph like last summer’s World Cup victory is capable of bringing everyone together in a massive outpouring of rich and positive emotion.  Unfortunately, a ‘defeat’ like last night’s vote ‘against’ the Spanish candidates for the Ballon d’Or also unites this country in an eruption of victimist moaning, a legacy perhaps of the civil war that preceded the unprecedented destruction of the last World War.


p.s.  Three or four days after I posted this comment, John Carlin, who contributes to El PaĆ­s, made a very similar observation, lamenting in his weekly sports commentary—El Córner InglĆ©s—the Spanish reaction (in Spanish):

The Spot-On Political and Socioeconomic Analysis of Dr. Seuss


For some reason that I can’t figure out, most Americans don’t like to think of the rest of the world as a context in which the United States exists as one among 193 (or 203[1]) sovereign nation states.  Or, when that majority of Americans do consider the rest of the world, it is usually done by looking down Uncle Sam’s long nose and declaring that the United States is the greatest country in the world.

This arrogant, kingly attitude is reminiscent of that of Yertle the Turtle[2].  If your parents didn’t read Dr. Seuss to you, or if you haven’t read Dr. Seuss to your own children, then let me remind you that Yertle the Turtle was the king of the pond, that is, the king of all the other turtles in the pond.  And his vanity and self-conception were such that he decided he needed a throne other than the stone upon which he habitually sat, and from which he hoped to sit high enough to survey all that was beneath him, all that was his.

“I’m ruler,” said Yertle, “of all that I see.
But I don’t see enough.  That’s the trouble with me…
If I could sit high, how much greater I’d be!
What a king!  I’d be ruler of all I could see!”

So Yertle obliged the other turtles in the pond to climb on top of one another’s backs and in this way those he ruled over lifted him higher and higher, until he could see almost a mile.

“I’m Yertle the Turtle!  Oh, marvelous me!
For I am the ruler of all that I see!”

Unfortunately, there was one turtle who stood on the stone that was Yertle’s former throne, and all of the other turtles stood upon this turtle’s back.  And because it was such hard work for this turtle—whose name was Mack—to support all that weight and glory, he dared to complain.

“I’ve pains in my back and my shoulders and knees.
How long must we stand here, Your Majesty, please?”

But this legitimate complaint only enraged Yertle, who demanded that even more turtles be piled on Mac’s back so that he, Yertle, could stand even higher—high enough to see forty miles away.

But down at the bottom of that stack of turtles Mack, who didn’t like to complain, felt obliged to speak up for his comrades.

“I know, up on top you are seeing great sights,
But down at the bottom we, too, should have rights.
We turtles can’t stand it.  Our shells will all crack!
Besides we need food.  We are starving!” groaned Mack.

But this temerity only enraged Yertle further, and he told Mack to shut up and declared,

“I rule from the clouds!  Over land!  Over sea!
There’s nothing, no, NOTHING, that’s higher than me!”

And that’s when Yertle saw the moon.  And, flabbergasted that anything should be higher than he was, demanded still more turtles, so that his throne could be raised higher and higher.  And once Yertle had managed to stand upon the backs of hundreds and perhaps even thousands of turtles, Mack burped—he couldn’t help it—and that burp shook the throne, and Yertle the Turtle came tumbling down.  So that nowadays Yertle the Turtle is king of nothing but the mud.

Dr. Seuss published this fable in 1958, during one of the darkest periods of the Cold War.  The condemnation of political tyranny is obvious, and spot-on, but the socioeconomic critique is no less incisive or accurate.

It was an editorial in the Spanish daily El PaĆ­s that made me think of Yertle the Turtle.  Many Americans have heard the often repeated comment (on Fox News in particular) that the top 1% of Americans pay about 40% of all income tax receipts[3]. 

I doubt many Americans are aware of the fact that, about twenty years after Dr. Seuss published this story, the top 1% of the American population brought home just 9% of the nation’s income.  By 2009, that same 1% of the American population was bringing home 24% of the nation’s income.

This statistic alone places the United States among Third World countries, defined in part by an undue concentration of wealth and income in the hands of relatively few people.  If we use a Gini coefficient, just one of several widely employed statistical measures for inequality of income distribution, the U.S. ranks midway between the most egalitarian societies (Sweden or Denmark) and the least egalitarian society, that of Namibia, where half of the population lives below the international poverty line[4].

But even worse than this single fact is the trend.  The Gini coefficient was first applied in 1967, and since 1968 (when the U.S. coefficient was 38.6) income inequality in the United States has steadily grown greater (46.8 in 2009; compared to 23 in Sweden, 24.7 in Denmark, and 70 in Namibia).

Economists feel at ease among such statistics, and even they can pick and choose which ‘facts’ they will present in their research and writings.  But at least they are guided, in most cases, by a relatively scientific criteria, whereas those who bandy these numbers about—usually politicians and their supporters or detractors—are not.

My point is, a sound statistical argument, based on hard data, can be made to suggest that the United States of America is not by any means the single greatest country in the world.  And when it comes to income and wealth distribution, the U.S. ranks closer to the bottom than to the top.

But despite these ‘facts,’ and despite the positive correlation noted in a number of economic studies between a Democratic White House and less income inequality (or at least a slower growth in that inequality), Americans—or at least those among them who make the most noise—tend to associate the political left in the United States with less than satisfactory economic performance, and sometimes even disaster[5].

In a democratic system of one man—or one woman—equals one vote (which is not the same as the electoral college that elects the president of the United States), every man or woman has a right to choose and determine for themselves whether or not they are interested in a more egalitarian society.  When I look at the United States I witness an almost blind disregard, and even disdain, for a social value that is shared by the majority of the 6,000,000 people in the world who are, in most ways, most like us:  the Europeans.  This, coupled with the American dismissal of European thought and opinion, a relatively recent phenomenon, makes me wonder what will happen in the States when Mack burps again.



[1] Including states that claim sovereignty and have control over part of or all of their claimed territories, but due to disputes over their legitimacy, do not have normal diplomatic relations with the majority of sovereign states and are not members of the United Nations:  Abkhazia, Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh, Northern Cyprus, Palestine, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, Somaliland, South Ossetia, Taiwan and Transnistria.
[2] Yertle the Turtle and Other Stories, Dr. Seuss (Random House)
[3] According to the National Taxpayers Union it was 38.02% of Federal Personal Income Tax revenues in 2008.  But the people who repeat this statistic as if it were a mantra never mention the relative contributions—the percentage of adjusted gross income—paid by this top 1% of the population, as compared, say, the bottom 50%  (which contributed a mere 2.7% of Federal Personal Income Tax revenues in 2008, but no doubt paid a larger percentage of their adjusted gross income in taxes!).
[4] On $1.00 to $1.25 per day.
[5] And this when the two greatest economic depressions—or recessions—in living memory occurred under the watch of Republican leadership:  that of Herbert Hoover and George W. Bush.